Hu jintao biography


Hu Jintao

Leader of China from to

"Jintao" redirects here. For people with the given name, spot Jintao (disambiguation).

In this Chinese designate, the family name is Hu.

Hu Jintao

Hu in

In office
15 November &#;– 15 November
Preceded byJiang Zemin
Succeeded byXi Jinping
In office
15 March &#;– 14 Parade
PremierWen Jiabao
Vice President
Preceded byJiang Zemin
Succeeded byXi Jinping
In office
  • 19 September – 15 November
  • 13 Parade – 14 March
Deputy
Preceded byJiang Zemin
Succeeded byXi Jinping

Other office held

In office
19 October &#;– 15 November
General SecretaryJiang Zemin
Preceded byQiao Shi
Succeeded byZeng Qinghong
In office
15 March &#;– 15 March
PresidentJiang Zemin
Preceded byRong Yiren
Succeeded byZeng Qinghong
In office
  • Party Commission:22 September – 19 September

  • State Commission:31 October – 13 March

ChairmanJiang Zemin
In office
1 December &#;– 1 December
General Secretary
Preceded byWu Jinghua
Succeeded byChen Kuiyuan
In office
8 July &#;– 1 December
General Secretary
Preceded byZhu Houze
Succeeded byLiu Zhengwei
In office
14 December &#;– 8 July
General SecretaryHu Yaobang
Preceded byWang Zhaoguo
Succeeded bySong Defu
Born () 21 December (age&#;82)
Taizhou, Jiangsu, Wang Jingwei regime
Political partyCommunist Party of China
SpouseLiu Yongqing
Alma materTsinghua University (BS)
ProfessionHydraulic engineer
Signature

Central institution membership

  • – 14th, 15th, 16th, 17th Politburo Standing Committee
  • – Secretary (first-ranked), 14th, 15th, Central Secretariat
  • – 14th, 15th, 16th, 17th Politburo
  • – 12th, 13th, 14th, 15th, 16th, 17th Central Committee
  • – 12th Alternate Membership of the Core Committee
  • – 7th, 8th, 9th, 10th, 11th National People's Congress


Hu Jintao[a] (born 21 December ) is a Chinese retired politician who served as the general secretary of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) from to , the president of China from to , and chairman of the Central Military Commission (CMC) from to He was a member of the CCP Politburo Standing Committee, China's de facto top decision-making body, from to Hu was the fifth paramount leader of China from to [b]

Hu rose to power through the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), notably as Party Committee secretary for Guizhou province and the Tibet Autonomous Region, where his harsh repression of dissent gained him attention from the highest levels.

He moved up to first secretary of the CCP Central Secretariat and vice president under CCP general secretary Jiang Zemin. Hu was the first leader of the Communist Party from a generation younger than those who participated in the civil war and the founding of the republic.

Influential sponsors from the older generation promoted his rapid go up, including Song Ping, Hu Yaobang, Deng Xiaoping, and Jiang Zemin.[1]

During his term in office, Hu reintroduced state control in some sectors of the economy that were relaxed by the previous administration, and was conservative with political reforms.

Along with his colleague Chinese premierWen Jiabao, Hu presided over nearly a decade of consistent economic growth and development that cemented China as a major world power. He sought to improve socio-economic equality domestically through the Scientific Outlook on Development, which aimed to build a "Harmonious Socialist Society" that was prosperous and free of social conflict.

Under his leadership, the authorities also cracked down on social disturbances, ethnic minority protests, and dissident figures, which also led to many controversial events such as the unrest in Tibet and the passing of the Anti-Secession Rule.

In foreign policy, Hu advocated for China's peaceful rise, chasing soft power in international relations and a corporate approach to diplomacy.

Hu Jintao Biography, Experience, Interesting Facts - Sun Signs: Hu Jintao [a] (born 21 December ) is a Chinese retired politician who served as the general secretary of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) from to , the president of China from to , and chairman of the Central Military Commission (CMC) from to

Throughout Hu's tenure, China's affect in Africa, Latin America, and other developing regions increased.

Hu possessed a modest and reserved leadership style. His tenure was characterized by collective leadership and consensus-based rule.[2] These traits made Hu an enigmatic figure in the public eye.

His administration was known for its fixate more on technocratic competence.[3] At the end of his tenure after ten years in office, Hu won praise for retiring voluntarily from all positions. He was succeeded by Xi Jinping. Following the death of his predecessor Jiang Zemin, Hu is the only living former paramount leader of the People's Republic of China.

Early life, awareness, and family

Hu Jintao was born on 21 December [4] in Tai County, Jiangsu province, which was under Japanese occupation at the time. He is a direct descendant of the Ming dynasty general Hu Zongxian, recognizable for fighting Japanese pirates.[5] His branch of the family migrated from Jixi County, Anhui to Taizhou during his grandfather's generation.

Though his father owned a small tea trading business in Taizhou, the family was relatively poor. His mother was a teacher and died when he was 7, and he was raised by an aunt. Hu's father was denounced during the Cultural Revolution, an event that (together with his relatively unpretentious origins) apparently had a intense effect upon Hu, who diligently tried to clear his father's name.[6]

He joined the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) in April That year he graduated from Tsinghua University after studying hub hydropower stations at the Water Conservancy Engineering Department.

He worked as a political counselor at Tsinghua.[7]:&#;&#; In July , Hu began work as an engineer.[8]

In , during the Third Front construction,[9]:&#;&#; Hu volunteered for his service in Gansu and worked on the construction of Liujiaxia Hydroelectric Station[10] while also managing CCP affairs for the local branch of the Ministry of Rain Resources and Electric Power.

From to , he worked for Sinohydro Engineering Bureau.[11]

In , Hu married Liu Yongqing, whom he had met at Tsinghua University when they were studying there. They have two children together, Hu Haifeng and Hu Haiqing, their children-in-law named Julia Wong and Daniel Mao.

Unlike Wen Jiabao, the premier, he never granted a public one-on-one interview with the media.[12][13] He has been noted for his liking of table tennis and ballroom dancing.[14][15] Hu is also said to possess a photographic memory that became evident in his high school days.[16][17]

Early political career

In , Hu was transferred to the Construction Department of Gansu as a secretary.

The next year he was promoted to deputy senior party secretary. In , Deng Xiaoping implemented the "Four Transformations" program, which aimed to produce communist leaders who were "more revolutionary, younger, more knowledgeable, and more specialized." In response to this nationwide hunt for young party members, Anthem Ping, the first secretary of CCP Gansu Committee (Gansu's governor) discovered Hu Jintao and promoted him several ranks to the position of deputy head of the commission.[18] Another protégé of Song, Wen Jiabao, also became prominent at the same moment.

In , Hu was promoted to the position of Communist Youth League Gansu Branch secretary and was appointed as the director of the All-China Youth Federation.[19][1] His mentor, Song Ping, was transferred to Beijing as Minister of Organization of the Chinese Communist Party, and was in charge of senior cadres' recommendation, candidacy and promotion.

With the support of Hu Yaobang (no relation) and Deng Xiaoping, Hu was assured of a bright future in the party. At Song Ping's suggestion, in central CCP authorities invited Hu to Beijing to study at the Central Party School.[20] Soon after, he was transferred to Beijing and appointed to a position in the secretariat of the Communist Youth League Core Committee ("CY Central").

Hu Jintao born 21 December is a Chinese politician who was the paramount leader of China and the 8th General Secretary of the Communist Party of China from to Hu Jintao also served as the 6th President of China from to and the 5th and 12th Chairman of the Central Military Commission from to Hu was born on 21 December in TaizhouJiangsu. Hu was educated as a hydraulic engineer from Tsinghua University in

Two years later Hu was promoted to first secretary of CY Central, thus its actual leader. During his word in the Youth League, Hu escorted Hu Yaobang, who was CCP general secretary then, in visits around the country. Hu Yaobang, himself a veteran coming from the Youth League, could reminiscence his youth through Hu's company.[21]

Leading the party in Guizhou

In , Communist Party general secretary Hu Yaobang pushed for Hu Jintao to be transferred to Guizhou as the provincial Committee secretary of the Chinese Communist Party.[22] Hu attempted to better the economy of the backwater province, and reputedly visited all of its eighty-six counties.[23] While in Guizhou, Hu was cautious to follow Beijing's directives and had a reputation of organism "airtight"; he rarely would extend his views on policy matters in public.[23] While Hu was generally seen as an official with integrity and honesty, some locals preferred his predecessor Zhu Houze.

In , Hu Jintao handled the local students activism parallel to the Democracy Wall carefully, whereas in Beijing similar protests resulted in Hu Yaobang's forced resignation.

Tenure in Tibet

Hu Yaobang was purged by Deng Xiaoping in due to his 'liberal' tendencies, and his departure from the political scene was initially seen as unfavourable towards Hu Jintao, who drew criticism from party elders for failing to criticize the ousted reformer.[24] In , Hu Jintao was transferred to become Party Regional Committee secretary of the Tibet Autonomous Region, while also taking on the role of Political commissar of the local People's Liberation Army units.

This made Hu effectively the number-one figure in the vast, restive region. A number of Tibetans possess long been opposed to government policy in the region.

Hu was the fifth paramount public figure of China from to Hu rose to power through the Chinese Communist Party CCPnotably as Party Committee secretary for Guizhou province and the Tibet Autonomous Regionwhere his harsh repression of dissent gained him attention from the highest levels. Hu was the first leader of the Communist Party from a generation younger than those who participated in the civil war and the founding of the republic. During his term in office, Hu reintroduced state control in some sectors of the economy that were relaxed by the previous administration, and was conservative with political reforms.

Unrest and ethnic conflict were brewing, particularly anti-Han sentiments among segments of ethnic Tibetan society. Minor clashes had been occurring since , and when the scale of unrest grew, Hu responded with the deployment of some 1, People's Armed Police into Lhasa in February in an endeavor to warn against further disturbance.[25]Increased clashes culminated in serious rioting in Lhasa's core on 5 March , five days before the 30th anniversary of the Tibetan uprising.[26] What occurred after is a matter of argue.

Rioters accused the police of shooting them arbitrarily, and the police claimed that they had acted in self-defense. In addition, there was speculation that Hu delayed his orders to clamp down on the protesters until late into the evening, when the police chief was forced to act because the situation was spiraling out of rule.

The protesters were suppressed preceding into the next day, and Hu asked Beijing to announce martial law on 8 March.[27]

Hu's role in the demonstrations and rioting on 5 March was never made clear.

While it is general protocol that Hu must have at least implicitly approved the use of press against protesters, whether he actually gave orders throughout 5 Protest is a matter of debate.[c] In addition, John Tkacik cites that Hu had been coordinating with the Chengdu Military Region for troops to be on full alert as the situation progressed.[25] Some diplomatic analysts linked what they saw as Hu's brutal use of force to the suppression of activists and students in Tiananmen Square, which took place three months later.

Whether Hu provided "inspiration" for the PLA on 4 June is a matter of debate, but it was clear that Hu's actions in Lhasa earned him unprecedented attention in the upper echelons of party dominance, including by "paramount leader" Deng Xiaoping.[1] When tanks rolled into Tiananmen Square, Hu was one of the first regional leaders to publicly declare his sustain for the central authorities.[25]

Hu experienced high-altitude sickness in June , and returned to Beijing, but remained in his position for another two years, during which he achieved little.

His departure to Beijing was seen, however, simply as a pretext to return to the center of Chinese politics, which led to some doubts as to whether or not he was as ill as he had claimed.[25] Martin Seiff of United Pressurize International commented on Putin and Hu: "Both are tough and able authoritarians who had extensive experience of repressing dissent on their rise to the top."[28]

Rise to power

Before the opening of the 14th National Congress of the CCP in , senior party leaders, including Deng and Chen Yun, were to pick candidates for the CCP Politburo Standing Committee (PSC) to make certain a smooth transition of authority from the so-called second-generation leaders (Deng, Chen, Li Xiannian, Wang Zhen, etc.) to third-generation leaders (Jiang Zemin, Li Peng, Qiao Shi etc.).

Deng also proposed considering another candidate for a further future transition, preferably someone under fifty to represent the next generation of leaders.[29] Anthem Ping, as the organization principal, recommended Hu as an preferred candidate for the prospect of a future leader.

As a result, shortly before his 50th birthday, Hu Jintao became the youngest (aged 49 in October ) member of the seven-member Politburo Standing Committee, and one of the youngest PSC members since the Communist Party assumed power in

In , Hu took charge of the Secretariat of the Chinese Communist Party as its first secretary, which oversaw day-to-day operations of the CCP Central Committee, and the Central Party School, which was convenient for him to transport up his own supporters among senior CCP cadres.

Hu was also put in charge of the ideological work of the CCP. Although Hu was considered heir apparent to Jiang, he always took great care to ensure that Jiang be at the center of the spotlight. In late , Hu promoted Jiang's unpopular movement of the "Three Stresses"&#;&#; "stress study, stress politics, and stress healthy trends"&#;&#; giving speeches to promote it.

In , he publicized Jiang's Three Represents theory, which Jiang hoped to place himself on the equal level as other Marxist theoreticians.[30] In , Hu became vice president, and Jiang wanted Hu to play a more active role in foreign affairs.

Hu became China's leading voice during the United States bombing of the Chinese embassy in Belgrade in [31]

Leadership

See also: Hu–Wen Administration

Succeeding Jiang

On 15 November , after the 16th National Congress of the Chinese Communist Party, a new Hu Jintao-led Politburo nominally succeeded Jiang's, while Hu became the CCP general secretary, effectively making him the paramount head.

Additionally, Wen Jiabao became the premier. However, Jiang was re-elected to the post of chairman of the Central Military Commission, the top military body, despite Hu taking over as the general secretary.[32] Jiang resigned as CMC chairman in September , his last official post.

Tracking Jiang's stepping-down, Hu had officially taken on the three institutions in the People's Republic of China where power lie; the party, the state, as skillfully as the military.

Deng Xiaoping appointed three party General Secretaries, all designed to be successors, and was instrumental in the ousting of two of them, Hu Yaobang and Zhao Ziyang.

His third and final selection, Jiang Zemin, won Deng's continued, although ambiguous, backing and was the only general secretary in Communist Chinese history to voluntarily leave his post when his term ended.

Although Jiang, then 76, stepped down as general secretary and from the Politburo Standing Committee to make way for a younger leadership, there was speculation that Jiang would retain significant influence because Hu was not associated with Jiang's influential Shanghai clique, to which six out of the nine members of the all-powerful Standing Committee were believed to be linked.

However, later developments display that many of its members had shifted their positions. Zeng Qinghong, for example, moved from a disciple of Jiang to serving as an intermediary between the two factions.[33]

Hu was mostly conservative on political reforms during his tenure.[34] In the commencing of , Hu launched the "Eight Honors and Eight Shames" movement in a bid to promote a more selfless and moral outlook amongst the population.[1] At the 17th CCP National Congress, Hu was re-elected as general secretary of the Main Committee and chairman of the CCP Central Military Commission on 22 October At the 11th National People's Congress, Hu was re-elected as president on 15 March He was also re-elected as chairman of the PRC Central Military Commission.[35]

Domestic policy

SARS crisis

The first crisis of Hu's leaders happened during the outbreak of SARS in Following strong criticism of China for initially covering up and responding slowly to the crisis, he dismissed several party and government officials, including the health minister, who supported Jiang, and the Mayor of Beijing, Meng Xuenong, widely perceived as Hu's protégé.[1]

Economic policies

Hu and Wen Jiabao took a more conservative approach towards reforms, and began to reverse some of Deng Xiaoping's reforms in Observers note that the government adopted more egalitarian and populist policies.[36] The administration increased subsidies and control over the health take care sector,[37] increased funding for teaching, halted privatization,[38] and adopted a loose monetary policy, which led to the formation of a U.S.-style property bubble in which property prices tripled.[39]

The privileged declare sector was the primary recipient of government investment, which, under the new administration, promoted the rise of large national champions which could compete with immense foreign corporations.[38] During Hu's administration, the Chinese government increasingly funded the consolidation of state-owned enterprises (SOEs), supplying massive subsidies and favoring SOEs in regulatory matters.[9]:&#;&#; These efforts helped SOEs to crowd out foreign and home private sector competitors.[9]:&#;&#; Nevertheless, the share of SOEs in the total number of companies include continued to fall, dropping to 5%, though their share of total output remained at 26%.

Hu Jintao is a influential Chinese politician and government official who served as the President of the country from to Explore about his life, profile and timeline with this biography.

Exchange rates for the yuan were also liberalized and the peg to the U.S. dollar was broken, leading the yuan to rise by 31% against the dollar from to [40] China's economic growth has averaged around 10% under Hu, while the economy surpassed the Together Kingdom, France, Germany and Japan.[41][40]

After taking over, Hu and Wen proposed to set up a Harmonious Society which aimed at lessening inequality and changing the style of the "GDP first and Welfare Second" policies.[42] They focused on sectors of the Chinese population that had been left behind by the economic reform, and took a number of high-profile trips to the poorer areas of China with the stated goal of knowledge these areas better.

Hu and Wen Jiabao also attempted to move China away from a policy of favouring economic development at all costs and toward a more balanced view of growth that includes factors in social inequality and environmental injure, including the use of the green gross domestic product in personnel decisions.

Jiang's clique, however, maintained control in most developing areas; as a result, Hu and Wen's macroeconomic regulation measures faced great resistance.[1]

Media

In media policy, Hu discussed the idea of "channeling" public opinion, a legal title he first used in a 23 January Politburo meeting.[43]:&#;71&#; Hu stated that the Party should "grasp the online discourse dominance, enhance our ability to channel online discussions, emphasize the art of 'channeling', actively leverage modern technologies, increase positive coverage, and promote a positive mainstream discourse."[43]:&#;71&#; In an online discussion via the Strong China Forum, Hu stated that China should "strengthen our traditional media and brand-new media and form a fresh setting for channeling public opinion".[43]:&#;71–72&#;

Tibet

Main article: Tibetan unrest

Hong Kong

Main article: Democratic development in Hong Kong

Foreign policy

See also: List of international trips made by Hu Jintao

Under Hu's leadership, China continued its style of developmental diplomacy which had been adopted under Deng Xiaoping and continued by Jiang Zemin.[44] China's international behavior continued to be generally pragmatic and predictable.[44] Hu pledged that China would seek peaceful development in a harmonious world to guarantee the international community that China's economic growth offered opportunities and benefits rather than conflicts.[45] The key attributes of a agreeable world view of foreign policy are building and accepting a world where countries diverge in their paths of national progress and political systems, coexistence of diverse civilizations, and rejected unilateralism and hegemonic ambitions.[46]

In , Hu articulated the four phases of China's foreign policy developmental objectives: (1) big powers were the key, (2) periphery countries the priority, (3) developing countries the foundation, and (4) multilateralism the stage.[45]

In , Chinese leader Hu Jintao called for a bolstered arms control agenda at the United Nations General Assembly, joining United States President Barack Obama's earlier calls for a nuclear-free world.[47]

Throughout Hu's tenure, China's cooperation with global south countries increased.[48]:&#;79&#;

He sought to develop China's partnership with Japan, which he visited in [49] He downgraded relations with Russia because of unfulfilled deals.[50]

Hu emphasized an international relations premise of "shared responsibility": China would contribute to global ordinary good, but it must not adversely affect its core interests in doing so, and its commitments must be conditional to those of other nations.[51] In the analysis of academic Suisheng Zhao, under Hu's leadership, "China remained a reluctant rising force and selectively took on global and regional obligations.

Chinese foreign policy became omnidirectional, multilevel, and multidimensional."[45]

Taiwan

Early in his leadership, Hu faced a pro-independence counterpart in then Republic of China (ROC) president Chen Shui-bian.

Chen called for talks without any preconditions, repudiating the Consensus. Chen Shui-bian and the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) had continued to declare an ultimate goal of de jureTaiwanese independence, and made statements on the political status of Taiwan that the PRC considers provocative.

Hu's initial response was a combination of "soft" and "hard" approaches. On the one hand, Hu expressed a flexibility to negotiate on many issues of concern to Taiwan. On the other hand, he continued to refuse talks without preconditions and remained committed to Chinese unification as an ultimate purpose.

China and Chairman of the Communist Party of China. He graduated from the Water Conservancy Engineering Department of Tsinghua University Qinghua University where he had majored in the study of hub hydropower stations. With a university education, he holds the title as an engineer. Hu Jintao and his wife Ms.

While Hu gave some signs of being more flexible with regard to political relationships with Taiwan as in his May 17 Statement, where he offered to address the issue of "international living space" for Taiwan, Hu's government remained firm in its position that the PRC would not tolerate any seek by the Taiwanese government to declare de jure independence from China.[52]

After Chen's re-election in , Hu's government changed tactics, conducting a no-contact policy with Taiwan due to Chen and the DPP's independence leanings and repudiation of the consensus.

The government maintained its military build-up against Taiwan, and pursued a vigorous policy of isolating Taiwan diplomatically. In March , the Anti-Secession Law was passed by the National People's Congress, formalizing "non-peaceful means" as an option of response to a declaration of independence in Taiwan.

Hu's government increased contacts with the Kuomintang (KMT), its former foe in the Chinese Civil War, and still a major party in Taiwan.[53]:&#;&#; The increased contacts culminated in the Pan-Blue visits to mainland China, including a historic meeting between Hu and then-KMT chairman Lien Chan in April This was the first rendezvous between the leaders of the two parties since the ending of World War II.[54][55]

On 20 March , the Kuomintang under Ma Ying-jeou won the presidency in Taiwan, and a majority in the Legislative Yuan.

Hu Jintao (b. ) was general secretary of the Chinese Communist Party from to and president of China from to He was succeeded as president by Xi Jinping.

Thereafter Hu immediately turned to a more 'soft' diplomatic approach and opened the way to a thaw in relations between the two sides.[56] A series of historic meetings between the CCP and KMT have followed. On 12 April , Hu Jintao met with Taiwan's vice president-elect Vincent Siew in the latter's role as chairman of the Cross-strait Prevalent Market Foundation during the Boao Forum for Asia.

On 28 May , Hu met with KMT chairman Wu Po-hsiung, the first meeting between the heads of the CCP and the KMT as ruling parties. During this meeting, Hu and Wu agreed that both sides should re-commence official dialogue under the consensus &#; that "both sides recognize there is only one China, but agree to differ on its definition." Wu pledged the new government in Taiwan against Taiwanese independence; Hu dedicated his government to addressing the concerns of the Taiwanese people in regard to security, dignity, and "international living space", with a priority given to allowing Taiwan to participate in the World Health Organization.

In addition to the party-to-party dialogue, de facto governmental dialogue took place via the Straits Exchange Foundation and the Association for Relations Across the Taiwan Straits in June on the basis of the Consensus, with the first meeting held in Beijing.

Both Hu and his new counterpart Ma Ying-jeou agreed that the Consensus is the basis for negotiations between the two sides of the Taiwan strait. On 26 March , Hu Jintao held a telephone talk with then US president George W. Bush, in which he became the first Chinese leader to officially recognize the Consensus.[57] After several months of negotiations, in December , the two sides agreed on the resumption of the Three Links, i.e., a re-opening of mail, trade, and direct air links between the two sides.

Relations continued to be cordial between the two sides during Hu's tenure, and trade increased immensely, culminating in the signing of the preferential trade agreement Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement (ECFA) in

Transition to Xi

Main article: 18th Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party

See also: 12th National People's Congress

On 15 November , immediately after the 18th CCP National Congress, Xi was elected to the posts of general secretary of the CCP and chairman of the CMC by the 18th Central Committee, succeeding Hu.[58] On 14 March , he was succeeded by Xi as president.[59]

After retirement

Since his retirement, Hu has kept a low-profile, rarely making public appearances.

In September , Hu visited an ancestral family home in Huangshan, Anhui, though the trip was not covered by state media.[60] In April , he made an appearance in Hunan, visiting Hunan University and other historical sites.[61] He attended the 19th CCP National Congress in October [62] He also attended the 70th anniversary of the People's Republic of China in October , and the th anniversary of the Chinese Communist Party in July [63]

20th Communist Party Congress

Main article: Hu Jintao removal incident

At the closing ceremony of the 20th CCP National Congress on 22 October , Hu, who had been sitting next to Xi, was pulled from his seat and escorted out of the hall by two men in suits and with name badges.[64][65][66] This incident occurred before the votes that day, which Hu was absent from as a result.[67][68]Xinhua News Agency, China's official press agency, stated that Hu was not feeling well,[69] while foreign news speculated about whether Hu was genuinely sick or whether this was a deliberate political signal by Xi.[70][71][72] The incident was not broadcast in China and both Hu's and his son's names were blocked by Chinese censors.[73]

Jiang Zemin's funeral

Following the death of his predecessor Jiang Zemin, Hu was appointed to serve on the funeral committee, ranked 36th on the list out of over names.[74] Hu Jintao appeared in common alongside Xi Jinping on 5 December , attending the farewell ceremony before Jiang's body was cremated in Babaoshan Revolutionary Cemetery.[75] He was accompanied by an aide.

Legacy

Hu presided over a decade of consistent economic expansion, led China through the storm of the global financial crisis relatively unscathed, and increased China's international stature immensely.[76] China's achievements under Hu included modernizing China's infrastructure, launching China's first crewed space probe, and sponsoring two successful international events: the Beijing Olympics and the Shanghai Expo.[76] In addition, Hu's "soft approach" to Taiwan, coinciding with the election of a Kuomintang government in Taipei, improved the connection between mainland China and Taiwan.

Trade and contact between the two sides increased significantly during Hu's tenure. In addition, Hu and Premier Wen Jiabao's populist policies have resulted in the elimination of agricultural taxes for farmers, more flexible policies towards migrant workers living in cities, more balanced development between the coastal regions and the hinterlands, enforcing minimum wage in cities and the promotion of sustainable and affordable housing developments.

The response to the SARS universal health crisis and the huge expansion of health insurance coverage for middle- to low-income citizens earned Hu accolades domestically. Generally speaking, these policies have been well received by the Chinese public.[77]

In foreign policy, Hu's critics say that his government was overly aggressive in asserting its new power, overestimated its achieve , and raised the ire and apprehension of various neighbours, including Southeast Asian countries, India, and Japan.

Such policies are also said to be provocative towards the United States.[78] Domestic critics, including the country's elites, intellectuals, and particularly dissidents, point to various shortcomings of the Hu administration and his failure in implementing his signature "Socialist Balanced Society" policy.

They cite, for example, that China's internal security budget exceeded its military budget during Hu's tenure as protests and other 'mass incidents' continued to increase across the country.[79] China's Gini coefficient climbed to by , indicating a potentially unsustainable gap between the affluent and the poor.[76] The Hu administration's inability to rein in the wealth gap and its renewed emphasis on the role of state-owned enterprises (SOEs) in the economy led some economists to believe that Hu missed a critical opportunity for reform and structural adjustment.[80] Hu's increased support for SOEs, including to merger and consolidate, is a trend that has continued during the administration of Xi Jinping.[9]:&#;&#;

Hu's tough-on-corruption policies saw mixed results.

While there were some bids to increase transparency in the expenditures of official organs and bureaucrats, deeply entrenched systemic issues that were contributing to the growth of corruption remained unresolved. In addition, the massive corruption scandal that ensnared the military shortly after Hu's departure from office showed that Hu was unable to tackle entrenched interests in the military.

In his own departing speech at the 18th Party Congress, Hu emphasized the potentially devastating effects that unchecked corruption would have on the party and the nation. Moreover, the Hu administration's insistence on censorship and the curtailing of freedom of speech drew extensive criticism from human rights organizations and Western governments,[76] while artists and writers inside the country chided increased restrictions on cultural expressions during Hu's legal title.

Although in the early years of his tenure Hu attempted to pioneer a form of "intraparty democracy" that called for greater participation from lower-ranked members to determine policy and choose the leadership, there was minuscule evidence of meaningful changes to the party's governing structure and decision-making process.[79] His focus on intraparty democracy did result in the Politburo work report system and the invitation of approximately members of the Central Committee to cast nonbinding votes for Politburo candidates.[81]:&#;67&#;

Consensus-based decision-making became a hallmark of the Hu era.

Hu was never a strongman, did not rule with an iron fist, and was often seen as first-among-equals with his Politburo Standing Committee colleagues. Some called China's political landscape during Hu's era one of "nine dragons taming the water" (九龙治水), that is, nine PSC members each ruling over their control fief.

In addition, Hu not only faced a profusion of special interest groups and political factions within the party, his ability to implement a cohesive program was also constrained by the influence of former head Jiang Zemin.[82] Consequently, there is debate on how much control Hu held personally to outcome change.

Hu joined the Communist Party inwhile an engineering learner at the prestigious Qinghua University in Beijing. He graduated in with a degree in hydraulic engineering and took a training position at the university. During the Cultural Revolution, he spent a year as a booklet laborer in Gansu province. From to he developed leadership skills while drawing on his engineering background in several posts with provincial industrial and technical commissions in Gansu.

Nevertheless, within the context of the system he was placed in, Hu was credited for being an successful mediator and consensus-builder.[76] Hu also won praise for stepping down as military chief in favour of his successor Xi Jinping, and at the same moment relinquishing his position as general secretary.

This was seen as a message to the establishment and Jiang Zemin that elders should retire according to protocol and avoid meddling in the affairs of their successors.[83]

Political positions

Scientific Outlook on Development

Main article: Scientific Outlook on Development

Political observers point out that Hu distinguished himself from his predecessor in both home and foreign policy.

Hu's political philosophy during his leadership is summarized by three slogans — a "Harmonious Socialist Society" domestically and "Peaceful Development" internationally, the former aided by the Scientific Development Concept, which seeks integrated sets of solutions to arrays of economic, environmental and social problems, and recognizes, in inner circles, a need for hesitant and gradual political reforms.[42] The Scientific Outlook on Development was written into the CCP and State Constitutions in and , respectively.

The role of the Party has changed, as formulated by Deng Xiaoping and implemented by Jiang Zemin, from a revolutionary party to a verdict party. During his tenure he continued the Party's modernization, calling for both "Advancement" of the Party and its increasing transparency in governance.

What emerges from these philosophies, in Hu's view, is a country with a systematic approach to national structure and development that combines dynamic economic growth, a free market energized by a vigorous "nonpublic" (i.e., private) sector, heavy-handed political and media control, personal but not political freedoms, concern for the welfare of all citizens, cultural enlightenment, and a synergistic approach to diverse social issues (the Scientific Development Perspective) that lead, in Hu's vision, to a "Harmonious Socialist Society".

In the view of the Chinese government, these philosophies, which own created a new "China Model" of governance, serve as a legitimate alternative to the West's "Democracy Model", particularly for developing countries. In Hu's words, "A Harmonious Socialist Society should film democracy, the rule of rule, equity, justice, sincerity, amity and vitality."[